發表於2024-12-24
本書特點:
1. 美國國會圖書館遴選齣一份“塑造美國的88本書”書單,列舉瞭由美國作傢所著、對美國社會具影響力的88部書籍,體現齣的是一個“美國精神”的形成過程,對於國傢民族的認同具有非凡意義,並且不會因為時代變遷而被替代;《美國語文讀本》位列其一,足見它經久不衰的魅力與非凡的影響力。
2. 純粹的美德讀本,純正的美語閱讀,經典的美式教育,這是一套影響瞭美國五代人的經典課本,瞭解美國,從啓濛讀本開始。
3. 總銷量達到1.22億冊的全美通用教科書,被《時代周刊》評為“人類齣版史上第三大暢銷書”,它推動瞭美國教育事業的發展,影響瞭美國倫理道德的形成,反映並改變瞭“美國夢”和美國精神的軌跡。
4. 齣版曆時半年之久,我們也都被這套堪稱“純正的美語教材與純粹的美德讀本”所深深吸引。編輯過程中,“純粹”,“精彩”等等不斷蹦齣腦海,我們恨不能馬上就將它雙手呈給父母們,老師們,孩子們,希望與你們分享這寓教於樂的經典讀本。
《塑造美國的88本書:美國語文讀本》是一套齣版以來,總銷量達到1.22億冊的教科書,一套有超過10000多個美國學校使用的啓濛讀本,一套培養精英的私立學校和傢庭私塾偏愛的課本。它是美國暢銷的語文課本,被《時代周刊》評為“人類齣版史上第三大暢銷書”。與《韋氏詞典》攜手,它為正規英語拼寫奠定瞭基礎,在一定程度上打造瞭美語語法。汽車大亨福特鼎力支持的不朽經典,它不但反映瞭“美國夢”和美國精神,更是改變瞭它們的軌跡,塑造瞭整整五代美國人的精神世界。手握《美國語文讀本》,品味美利堅。
此套讀本的英文原版共分7級,包括啓濛讀本和第1-6冊。考慮到啓濛讀本與第一級篇幅都較少,難易程度接近,於是我們將之閤並為第1冊。因此,國內齣版的這套讀本共包括6冊。
威廉·H·麥加菲,教育傢,教育理論先驅,俄亥俄大學校長。麥加菲為美國教育做齣瞭巨大貢獻,他首創瞭由易至難的教科書編寫體係,並提齣瞭在當時獨具一格的教學方法,比如,他提倡學生大聲朗讀課文;再如,課文不應隻傳授知識,應同時傳遞某種思想、某項美德;又如,提倡用重復的方法幫助學生記憶。這些方法為美國現代教育奠定瞭基礎。
麥加菲的一生都在為改善美國教育奔走呼籲,為紀念他為教科書領域所做齣的傑齣貢獻,美國全國教科書大奬被命名為“威廉·麥加菲曆久彌新奬”。
《美國語文讀本》是對我的少年時期影響至深的一套書。我至今可以大段背誦書中的內容。
——亨利·福特
這套書不僅影響瞭美國的教育事業,也影響瞭美國的倫理道德。誠如曆史學傢孔瑪格所言:“它們為美國兒童提供瞭當今明顯缺乏的東西,即普遍的引喻知識、普遍的經驗和自製意識。”
——選自《大美百科全書》
《美國語文讀本1》
《美國語文讀本2》
《美國語文讀本3》
《美國語文讀本4》
《美國語文讀本5》
《美國語文讀本6》
LESSON 64
SUPPOSED SPEECH OF JOHN ADAMS
約翰·亞當斯的假想演說
Daniel Webster (b. 1782, d. 1852) was born in Salisbury, N.H. He spent a few months of his boyhood at Phillips Academy, Exeter, but fitted for college under Rev. Samuel Wood, of Boscawen, N.H. He graduated from Dartmouth College in 1801. He taught school several terms, during and after his college course. In 1805, he was admitted to the bar in Boston, and practiced law in New Hampshire for the succeeding eleven years. In 1812, he was elected to the United States House of Representatives. In 1816, he removed to Boston, and in 1827 was elected to the United States Senate, which position he held for twelve years. In 1841, he was appointed Secretary of State. He returned to the Senate in 1845. In 1850, he was reappointed Secretary of State and continued in office until his death. He died at his residence, in Marshfield, Mass. Mr. Webster’s fame rests chiefly on his state papers and speeches. As a speaker he was dignified and stately, using clear, pure English. During all his life he took great interest in agriculture, and was very fond of outdoor sports.
1. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that, in the beginning, we aimed not at independence. But
“There’s a divinity that shapes our ends.”
The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and blinded to her own interest, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Why then should we defer the declaration· Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation① with England, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or security to his own life and his own honor! Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable colleague②, near you, are you not both already the proscribed③ and predestined④ objects of punishment and of vengeance· Cut off from all hope of royal clemency⑤, what are you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws·
2. If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up, the war· Do we mean to submit, and consent that we shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust· I know we do not mean to submit. We NEVER shall submit! Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when, putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him in every extremity with our fortunes and our lives· I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle① of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having twelve months ago, in this place, moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces raised, or to be raised, for the defense of American liberty; may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him.
3. The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off the Declaration of Independence· That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. Nations will then treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects in arms against our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that England herself will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things, which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy② to her rebellious subjects. The former, she would regard as the result of fortune; the latter, she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why, then, do we not change this from a civil to a national war· And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory.
4. If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people—the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies; and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts, and can not be eradicated③. Sir, the Declaration of Independence will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for the restoration of privileges, for redress④ of grievances, for chartered⑤ immunities⑥, held under a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the spirit of life.
5. Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn, and the solemn vow uttered to maintain it, or perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling around it, resolved to stand with it or fall with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them see it who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker Hill and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.
【中文閱讀】
丹尼爾·韋伯斯特(1782—1852)齣生於美國新罕布什爾州索爾茨伯裏。年少時,他在埃剋塞特的菲利普斯學院學習瞭數月,但很快被認為資質優異,轉到新罕布什爾州博斯科恩牧師塞繆爾·伍德門下學習。 1801年,韋伯斯特畢業於達特茅斯學院。在他就學期間,他便在學院裏任教,畢業後又教瞭幾個學期。 1805年,他獲得波士頓律師資格,並開始在新罕布什爾州執業,長達十一年。 1812年,韋伯斯特當選為美國眾議院議員。 1816年,他遷往波士頓,並於1827年當選為美國參議院議員,任職十二年。 1841年,韋伯斯特被任命為美國國務卿。 1845年,他重新迴到參議院。 1850年,他再度被任命為國務卿,繼續馳騁美國政壇,直到在馬薩諸塞州馬什菲爾德的住所裏去世。韋伯斯特先生的政府公文與演講為他博得瞭崇高聲望。作為一個演講者,他的演講風格莊重,氣勢恢弘,語言清晰純正。韋伯斯特一生對務農有強烈興趣,酷愛戶外運動。
1. 沉淪抑或求生,活著抑或死亡,幸存抑或毀滅?我全身心地支持這一投票錶決。誠然,戰爭剛開始時,我們並不是為謀取獨立而戰,但是,
上帝,已決定瞭我們的宿命。
英國的不公平對待,驅使我們拿起武器。英國被自身利益濛蔽瞭雙眼,始終負隅頑抗,直到最終我們將獨立掌控在自己手中。我們盡力爭取自由,現在,它已屬於我們。那麼,我們為什麼要延遲發錶這份獨立宣言?難道現在還有人如此軟弱,希望與英國和解?難道和解能為這個國傢帶來安全與自由,抑或給他生活帶來保障甚至個人榮耀?這位坐在椅子上的主席先生,還有您身旁那位受人尊重的同僚,我們難道不都是已被剝奪公權,命中注定淪為懲罰與復仇的對象?摒棄那些高尚以及仁慈寬容的所有希望,一旦英國統治權威得以保留,那我們除瞭是法外之徒,還能是什麼?我們還能成為什麼?
2. 如果我們推遲獨立,那麼我們是打算繼續還是放棄這場戰爭?難道我們打算投降,同意被繼續壓製,並讓我們的國傢主權和人民權利被踐踏成灰嗎?我相信,我們並不打算投降,我們永遠不會投降!我們曾在上帝麵前宣誓,不管在任何危難中,都要追隨華盛頓總統,即使要傾盡傢産或為之浴血犧牲。難道我們竟試圖違背這個人類有史以來做齣的最神聖的誓言,令他濛受戰爭危險以及深陷當下的政治時局?我深知,在座的各位寜願看到戰火席捲這片土地,或是突如其來的地震令它坍塌,也不願拋棄曾經的誓約,哪怕最微小的背信棄義。對我來說,一年前,就在這個地方,我投票通過動議,任命喬治·華盛頓為美國獨立戰爭的最高指揮官。現在,如果我對是否支持他有所動搖或躊躇,願我的右手受到詛咒,願我的舌頭從此貼著上顎,再也說不齣話!
3. 因此,這場戰爭必須繼續,我們必須繼續打下去。既然戰爭要打下去,那麼,我們為什麼要推遲發錶《獨立宣言》?昭示天下隻會增強我們的力量,並賦予我們麵嚮外界的能力。隻有當我們將自己視為抗擊侵犯我們主權的敵人的主體時,其他國傢纔會這樣看待我們。是的,我相信,如果是以獨立的名義,而不是以廢除英國法案的名義逼他們承認對我們施加的所有行為始終缺乏公平正義且殘忍暴虐,那麼,英國也會更願意與我們協商和談。承認我們獨立,比起屈服於反叛者的觀點,更能維護大英帝國的顔麵。因為,如果是前者,英國會將戰敗視為運氣;但如果是後者,戰敗則會讓英國深感恥辱。既然如此,我們為何不將這場戰爭從一場內戰轉變為民族之戰?既然這場戰爭必須打下去,我們為何不轉變角度,如果我們取得勝利,為什麼不願完全享受到勝利帶來的喜悅?
4. 如果我們失敗瞭,這對我們來說是最糟糕的境況。但是,我們絕不會失敗。在“獨立”的旗幟下,軍隊會被興建起來,海軍也會被組建起來。人民!如果我們真心對待人民,他們便會支持我們,因為這也正是在支持他們自己,通過這場戰爭光榮地支持他們自己!我不介意有些人總是善變無常。我瞭解這些殖民地的人民,我清楚,他們對英國侵略者的刻骨仇恨深深紮根於他們的內心,永不消除。先生們,《獨立宣言》將鼓舞人民增強戰鬥的勇氣。這場漫長而血腥的戰爭,並非旨在恢復某些人的特權,並非為平反某些冤情,並非為獲取英國國王賜予的特許豁免權——擺在人民麵前的,是一項徹底獨立的宏圖大業!這必然能為他們注入嶄新的生命。
5. 在整個軍隊麵前宣讀這份宣言吧!每個人都會拔齣長劍,莊嚴宣誓為之而戰,或是帶著榮耀而死。在教堂的講道颱上公示齣這份宣言吧!教會將認可它,對宗教自由的信仰將與這份宣言密切相連,並與它同榮辱,共存亡。在公眾場閤發齣這份宣言吧!在那裏宣示齣我們的信念,讓那些曾經在邦剋山的田野裏、列剋星敦和康科德的街道上目睹
塑造美國的88本書:美國語文讀本(套裝全6冊)(英漢雙語圖文版) [McGuffey's Eclectic Readers] 下載 mobi epub pdf txt 電子書 格式
塑造美國的88本書:美國語文讀本(套裝全6冊)(英漢雙語圖文版) [McGuffey's Eclectic Readers] 下載 mobi pdf epub txt 電子書 格式 2024
塑造美國的88本書:美國語文讀本(套裝全6冊)(英漢雙語圖文版) [McGuffey's Eclectic Readers] 下載 mobi epub pdf 電子書全新商品,包裝完美,書籍很好!
評分很棒的叢書
評分乾……
評分“艸”部字……
評分圖說漢字(上下捲)
評分這套書女兒還看不懂,值得我們大人學習一下
評分“矢”部字……
評分3. 總銷量達到1.22億冊的全美通用教科書,被《時代周刊》評為“人類齣版史上第三大暢銷書”,它推動瞭美國教育事業的發展,影響瞭美國倫理道德的形成,反映並改變瞭“美國夢”和美國精神的軌跡。
評分榖……
塑造美國的88本書:美國語文讀本(套裝全6冊)(英漢雙語圖文版) [McGuffey's Eclectic Readers] mobi epub pdf txt 電子書 格式下載 2024