The Wealth of Nations (Bantam Classics)國富論 英文原版 [平裝] 下載 mobi epub pdf 電子書 2025

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Adam Smith（亞當·斯密） 著

圖書標籤:

• Adam Smith
• Economics
• Political Economy
• Classics
• Wealth
• History
• Bantam Classics
• 18th Century
• Social Science
• Philosophy

齣版社： Random House

ISBN：9780553585971

商品編碼：19017192

包裝：平裝

齣版時間：2003-04-04

用紙：膠版紙

頁數：1264

正文語種：英文

商品尺寸：17.53x10.67x4.32cm;0.59kg

編輯推薦

If you're wondering which Wealth of Nations to purchase, get the Bantam paperback. This is Smith's complete and unabridged final version of the Wealth of Nations. It provides footnotes on Smith's wording, the historical context, and the differences between Smith's 5th edition and previous editions. In addition, the margin of the pages contain useful notes which summarize Smith's writing. For the price, this is clearly the superior choice.

Now, if you're wondering whether you should undertake such an endeavor, let me just say that Adam Smith was a professor of rhetoric. He explains everything so precisely, yet so comprehensible. Smith's writing is by no means difficult; I actually found it a surprisingly easy read given its antique nature. Once you get through the first chapter, you get quite used to Smith's writing style. If you put adequate time and energy into it, it's not hard at all.

內容簡介

It is symbolic that Adam Smith's masterpiece of economic analysis, The Wealth of Nations, was first published in 1776, the same year as the "Declaration of Independence."

In his book, Smith fervently extolled the simple yet enlightened notion that individuals are fully capable of setting and regulating prices for their own goods and services. He argued passionately in favor of free trade, yet stood up for the little guy. The Wealth of Nations provided the first--and still the most eloquent--integrated description of the workings of a market economy.

The result of Smith's efforts is a witty, highly readable work of genius filled with prescient theories that form the basis of a thriving capitalist system. This unabridged edition offers the modern reader a fresh look at a timeless and seminal work that revolutionized the way governments and individuals view the creation and dispersion of wealth--and that continues to influence our economy right up to the present day.

作者簡介

Adam Smith was born in a small village in Kirkcaldy, Scotland in 1723. He entered the University of Glasgow at age fourteen, and later attended Balliol College at Oxford. After lecturing for a period, he held several teaching positions at Glasgow University. His greatest achievement was writing The Wealth of Nations (1776), a five-book series that sought to expose the true causes of prosperity, and installed him as the father of contemporary economic thought. He died in Edinburgh on July 19, 1790.

精彩書評

"Adam Smith's enormous authority resides, in the end, in the same property that we discover in Marx: not in any ideology, but in an effort to see to the bottom of things."
--Robert L. Heilbroner

精彩書摘

CHAPTER I
OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR
The greatest improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is any where directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.
The effects of the division of labour, in the general business of society, will be more easily understood, by considering in what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps that it really is carried further in them than in others of more importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every different branch of the work can often be collected into the same workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator. In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of the work employs so great a number of workmen, that it is impossible to collect them all into the same workhouse. We can seldom see more, at one time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much greater number of parts, than in those of a more trifling nature, the division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less observed.
To take an example, therefore, from a very trifling manufacture; but one in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the trade of the pin-maker; a workman not educated to this business (which the division of labour has rendered a distinct trade), nor acquainted with the use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same division of labour has probably given occasion), could scarce, perhaps, with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not make twenty. But in the way in which this business is now carried on, not only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number of branches, of which the greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on, is a peculiar business, to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which, in some manufactories, are all performed by distinct hands, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have seen a small manufactory of this kind where ten men only were employed, and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling size. Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth part of forty-eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper division and combination of their different operations.
In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour are similar to what they are in this very trifling one; though, in many of them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour, however, so far as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place, in consequence of this advantage. This separation too is generally carried furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and improvement; what is the work of one man in a rude state of society, being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer, nothing but a manufacturer. The labour too which is necessary to produce any one complete manufacture, is almost always divided among a great number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of the linen and woollen manufactures, from the growers of the flax and the wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible to separate so entirely, the business of the grazier from that of the corn-farmer, as the trade of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The spinner is almost always a distinct person from the weaver; but the ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossible that one man should be constantly employed in any one of them. This impossibility of making so complete and entire a separation of all the different branches of labour employed in agriculture, is perhaps the reason why the improvement of the productive powers of labour in this art, does not always keep pace with their improvement in manufactures. The most opulent nations, indeed, generally excel all their neighbours in agriculture as well as in manufactures; but they are commonly more distinguished by their superiority in the latter than in the former. Their lands are in general better cultivated, and having more labour and expence bestowed upon them, produce more in proportion to the extent and natural fertility of the ground. But this superiority of produce is seldom much more than in proportion to the superiority of labour and expence. In agriculture, the labour of the rich country is not always much more productive than that of the poor; or, at least, it is never so much more productive, as it commonly is in manufactures. The corn of the rich country, therefore, will not always, in the same degree of goodness, come cheaper to market than that of the poor. The corn of Poland, in the same degree of goodness, is as cheap as that of France, notwithstanding the superior opulence and improvement of the latter country. The corn of France is, in the corn provinces, fully as good, and in most years nearly about the same price with the corn of England, though, in opulence and improvement, France is perhaps inferior to England. The corn-lands of England, however, are better cultivated than those of France, and the corn-lands of France are said to be much better cultivated than those of Poland. But though the poor country, notwithstanding the inferiority of its cultivation, can, in some measure, rival the rich in the cheapness and goodness of its corn, it can pretend to no such competition in its manufactures; at least if those manufactures suit the soil, climate, and situation of the country. The silks of France are better and cheaper than those of England, because the silk manufacture, at least under the high duties upon the importation of raw silk, does not so well suit the climate of England as that of France. But the hard-ware and the coarse woollens of England are beyond all comparison superior to those of France, and much cheaper too in the same degree of goodness. In Poland there are said to be scarce any manufactures of any kind, a few of those coarser household manufactures excepted, without which no country can well subsist.
This great increase of the quantity of work, which, in consequence of the division of labour, the same number of people are capable of performing, is owing to three different circumstances; first, to the increase of dexterity in every particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another; and lastly, to the invention of a great number of machines which facilitate and abridge labour, and enable one man to do the work of many.
First, the improvement of the dexterity of the workman necessarily increases the quantity of the work he can perform; and the division of labour, by reducing every man's business to some one simple operation, and by making this operation the sole employment of his life, necessarily increases very much the dexterity of the workman.
A common smith, who, though accustomed to handle the hammer, has never been used to make nails, if upon some particular occasion he is obliged to attempt it, will scarce, I am assured, be able to make above two or three hundred nails in a day, and those too very bad ones. A smith who has been accustomed to make nails, but whose sole or principal business has not been that of a nailer, can seldom with his utmost diligence make more than eight hundred or a thousand nails in a day. I have seen several boys under twenty years of age who had never exercised any other trade but that of making nails, and who, when they exerted themselves, could make, each of them, upwards of two thousand three hundred nails in a day. The making of a nail, however, is by no means one of the simplest operations. The same person blows the bellows, stirs or mends the fire as there is occasion, heats the iron, and forges every part of the nail: In forging the head too h...

好的，這是一份關於阿道夫·希特勒的《我的奮鬥》（Mein Kampf）的詳細圖書簡介，完全不涉及《國富論》的內容。 --- 圖書簡介：《我的奮鬥》（Mein Kampf） 作者：阿道夫·希特勒 導言：曆史的陰影與思想的開端 《我的奮鬥》（Mein Kampf）並非僅僅是一本自傳，它更是一份深具爭議、影響深遠的政治宣言與意識形態藍圖。這本書由阿道夫·希特勒在其政治生涯初期撰寫，集中體現瞭他對世界曆史的獨特解讀、對未來德國命運的設想，以及他所構建的納粹主義核心思想的理論基礎。理解《我的奮鬥》，就如同直麵20世紀歐洲乃至全球曆史上最黑暗篇章之一的源頭。這本書以一種極具煽動性和條理化的方式，闡述瞭希特勒對種族、國傢、地緣政治的全部看法，並為即將到來的災難性事件奠定瞭思想基礎。 第一部分：迴憶錄——從維也納到戰壕 《我的奮鬥》的第一部分主要是一部帶有強烈主觀色彩的迴憶錄，追溯瞭希特勒早年的生活經曆，這些經曆被他視為塑造其世界觀的關鍵階段。 童年與青年時期的熏陶 希特勒詳細描述瞭他在奧地利林茨（Linz）的童年，特彆是他對德意誌民族主義的早期認同。他將自己描繪成一個在奧匈帝國多元文化背景下，堅定地擁護“大德意誌”統一的青年。他著重渲染瞭其對藝術和建築的熱愛，以及與父親關係的復雜性，並暗示這些早期的挫摺和對社會結構的觀察，激發瞭他對現有秩序的質疑。 然而，真正奠定其極端世界觀的時期，是他在維也納度過的睏頓歲月。維也納當時是歐洲文化與政治的熔爐，但對希特勒而言，卻是充斥著他日後深惡痛絕的元素——猶太人、馬剋思主義者和哈布斯堡王朝的腐朽統治。他聲稱，正是在維也納的流浪和貧睏中，他“發現瞭”猶太人的“本質”，並將其視為一切社會問題的根源。這段經曆被塑造成一個從懵懂青年嚮堅定鬥士轉變的“啓濛”過程。他詳細描述瞭自己如何通過閱讀極端民族主義和小報刊物，逐步確立瞭反猶太主義和泛日耳曼主義的信念。 戰爭的洗禮與政治覺醒 第一次世界大戰是希特勒自傳中的重要轉摺點。他將這段經曆描繪成他人生中最光榮的時期，認為戰爭洗去瞭他個人的軟弱，將他融入瞭“民族共同體”的洪流之中。他在巴伐利亞軍團中的服役經曆，被他用近乎宗教狂熱的筆觸加以美化。 戰爭的失敗——尤其是德國簽署《凡爾賽條約》——被希特勒視為一場“背後遭人捅刀子”的恥辱。他將這種失敗歸咎於國內的“叛徒”和猶太布爾什維剋主義的顛覆活動。戰後，他描述瞭自己如何從一個迷茫的士兵轉變為一個充滿使命感的政治鼓動傢。他明確指齣，戰後的慕尼黑是他政治生涯的真正起點，在那裏，他發現瞭自己演說的天賦，並開始接觸那些與他思想相近的早期追隨者。 第二部分：納粹主義的綱領——國傢、種族與韆年帝國 《我的奮鬥》的第二部分則完全轉嚮瞭意識形態的闡述和未來政治藍圖的構建。這是納粹主義理論的核心文本，其邏輯結構雖然粗糙，但目的性極強。 種族理論與反猶主義的基石 在希特勒的敘事中，世界曆史被簡化為一場種族間的生存鬥爭。他提齣瞭所謂的“雅利安人”（日耳曼民族）作為“文化創造者”和最高種族的地位，並將其與“文化破壞者”——猶太人——對立起來。這種二元對立是其理論的齣發點。他係統性地攻擊猶太人，聲稱他們滲透到德國的經濟、文化和政治生活中的每一個角落，目的是為瞭削弱和摧毀健康的日耳曼種族。這種深入骨髓的反猶主義，是貫穿全書的主綫。 希特勒認為，種族純潔性是國傢生命力的基礎。任何混閤或妥協都將導緻種族的衰退。因此，未來的德國必須是一個純粹的、由日耳曼人主導的國傢，並采取極端的措施來維護這種純潔性。 德意誌民族的國傢觀與領袖原則（Führerprinzip） 希特勒對國傢的理解與傳統的民主概念背道而馳。他認為國傢隻是實現民族生存和擴張的工具，其最高價值在於維護種族。他猛烈抨擊瞭議會民主製、多黨政治和大眾民主，認為這些製度滋生瞭軟弱、分裂和效率低下。 取而代之的，是他大力提倡的“領袖原則”（Führerprinzip）。這一原則要求絕對的服從和個人權威。他主張，國傢必須由一位擁有絕對權威和遠見卓識的領袖來領導，這位領袖能夠超越日常的政治紛爭，代錶整個民族的意誌。這種結構要求自下而上的絕對忠誠和自上而下的無條件命令。 地緣政治：生存空間（Lebensraum） 《我的奮鬥》的後半部分，詳細闡述瞭希特勒對外政策的核心目標——獲取“生存空間”（Lebensraum）。他認為，德意誌民族作為一個偉大的種族，需要足夠的土地和資源來供養其不斷增長的人口。他明確指齣，這些空間必須通過嚮東方擴張來實現。 他將俄國（蘇聯）視為“猶太布爾什維剋主義”的堡壘，是一個必須被徵服和殖民的廣闊領土。因此，未來的德國外交政策必須摒棄對西方的過度關注，轉而與那些可以幫助德意誌民族打破現有國際體係的國傢（如意大利）建立同盟，最終目標是摧毀東方的勢力，將德意誌人定居於此，實現民族的永恒繁榮。他認為，隻有通過這種徹底的領土擴張，纔能確保德意誌民族在未來曆史中的主導地位。 結論：政治行動的路綫圖 《我的奮鬥》不僅是希特勒的個人宣泄，更是一份具有極強實踐指導意義的政治行動路綫圖。它清晰地勾勒齣納粹黨在未來奪取政權、重塑德國社會、並最終推行其種族滅絕和侵略性擴張計劃的步驟與核心理念。 這本書以一種近乎偏執的清晰度，將一個民族的苦難、對領袖的渴望，以及對特定群體的仇恨，編織成一個看似完整、具有吸引力的意識形態整體。它標誌著一種全新的、極端民族主義政治哲學的誕生，其影響至今仍是曆史研究中一個無法迴避的沉重議題。閱讀此書，旨在理解其意識形態的構建方式及其在曆史洪流中所造成的毀滅性後果。

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這本《國富論》的平裝英文原版，我真是愛不釋手。拿到手的那一刻，觸感就非常棒，紙張的質感恰到好處，不是那種容易泛黃的廉價紙，也不是過於光滑以至於不易書寫的類型，摸起來有一種沉甸甸的厚實感，翻閱時沙沙的聲響也帶著一股知識的韻味。裝訂也很牢固，書脊上的燙金字體雖然低調，卻透著一股經典的光澤，這讓我對它未來的“旅程”充滿瞭信心，相信它能陪伴我度過漫長的閱讀時光，甚至可以傳給下一代。雖然是平裝本，但它的整體設計一點也不遜色於精裝書，封麵配色沉穩大氣，沒有花裏鬍哨的圖案，而是直接點明瞭書名，這種返璞歸真的設計反而更顯其內在的價值。每次把它放在書架上，都能感受到一種寜靜的力量，它不僅僅是一本書，更像是一位沉默但充滿智慧的朋友，隨時準備與我進行一場思想的對話。我常常會在傍晚時分，泡上一杯熱茶，在柔和的燈光下翻開它，感受那跨越時空的思想洪流。

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作為一個對經濟學和曆史都充滿好奇的讀者，亞當·斯密的《國富論》一直是我的必讀清單上的重要一環。這次我選擇瞭Bantam Classics推齣的英文原版平裝版本，拿到書的瞬間，那種踏實感就油然而生。它的紙張雖然不是那種奢華的厚重感，但卻恰到好處地提供瞭舒適的閱讀體驗，字跡清晰，印刷工整，沒有任何廉價的廉價感，反而有一種經久耐用的質感。封麵設計雖然樸素，卻有一種曆久彌新的魅力，一眼就能認齣是這部偉大的著作。平裝本的設計非常適閤我這樣的讀者，可以輕鬆攜帶，無論是通勤路上，還是在咖啡館裏，都能隨時隨地翻開它，沉浸在斯密大師的宏大論述之中。這本書不僅僅是關於經濟的論述，更是對人類社會發展規律的深刻洞察，它的思想力量，通過這本精心製作的平裝原版，得到瞭很好的傳承和展現，讓我覺得這是一次非常有價值的購買。

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我一直對經濟學領域的經典著作情有獨鍾，而《國富論》無疑是其中最耀眼的一顆明星。這次入手的是Bantam Classics齣版的英文原版平裝本，感覺非常棒。拿到手的時候，就被它簡潔而有力的封麵設計吸引瞭，沒有花哨的圖案，隻有經典的字體，仿佛在訴說著它跨越時空的價值。這本書的紙張質量也讓我非常滿意，觸感溫潤，翻閱時有一種順滑感，即使長時間閱讀也不會感到疲勞。排版清晰，字體大小適中，讓我在沉浸於斯密的思想時，能夠更加專注於內容本身。作為一本重要的經濟學文獻，能夠以如此高質量的平裝本形式呈現，無疑為廣大讀者提供瞭極大的便利。我喜歡在傢中安靜的角落，泡一杯咖啡，伴隨著輕柔的音樂，細細品讀這本書，感受其中蘊含的深刻智慧，每一次翻閱，都仿佛與一位偉大的思想傢進行著跨越時空的對話，總能獲得新的啓發和思考。

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我一直對經濟學抱有濃厚的興趣，而亞當·斯密的名字，可以說是經濟學領域的泰山北鬥，無人不知。這次終於下定決心入手瞭這本《國富論》的英文原版。拿到這本Bantam Classics的版本，第一感覺就是它的“原汁原味”。我深知，翻譯過程中總是會或多或少地丟失原著的一些微妙之處，而閱讀原版，就是為瞭最直接地觸碰斯密大師的思想火花。這本書的排版我很喜歡，字體清晰，行距適中，即使內容深邃，閱讀起來也不會感到吃力。雖然是平裝，但它的印刷質量非常齣色，沒有齣現模糊不清或者錯彆字的情況。我特彆留意瞭它的版本信息，Bantam Classics的齣品，本身就代錶著一種對經典的尊重和傳承。這本書的尺寸也剛剛好，可以方便地放在背包裏，隨時隨地進行閱讀和思考，這對於像我這樣喜歡利用碎片時間學習的人來說，實在是太方便瞭。

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終於擁有瞭這本《國富論》的英文原版，感覺像是完成瞭一個小小的願望。我平時閱讀英文書籍比較多，對英文原版總有一種特彆的偏愛，總覺得能更直接地感受到作者的思想和情感。拿到這本Bantam Classics的版本，第一印象就是它的實用性。平裝本的設計讓它沒有精裝書那樣沉重，更適閤日常攜帶和翻閱。紙張的觸感很舒服，不是那種容易留下指紋的滑膩感，而是帶有一點微微的澀，翻書的時候有一種很安心的感覺。封麵設計也很簡潔，沒有過多的裝飾，直接凸顯瞭書名，那種沉靜的力量，恰恰符閤《國富論》本身的學術氣質。我喜歡在午後陽光正好時，捧著這本書，坐在窗邊，讓思緒隨著文字一起飛揚。它不單單是一本經濟學著作，更是一扇通往曆史和人類社會發展脈絡的窗口，讓我能夠從更宏觀的視角去理解這個世界。

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與中文版對照著啃！

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定價7.99美元，美亞賣4.83美元，中國亞馬遜買36元，京東竟然標價111.5元！我5摺55.7元買的，心疼啊，都怪自己沒有比較，不過京東這標價也太缺德瞭吧？

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媽逼給老子舊書，好髒

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朝思暮想的幾本書 趁著618活動600減400買的 沒辦法 400減300的搶不到券 書質量不錯 是正版 要是有400減300的券 還打算再買幾本彆的

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孩子買的，據說很難看懂，慢慢來吧

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給老公買的，好書，值得慢慢品讀。

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太厚瞭，夠看一年的瞭。

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就問你們怕不怕，那麼厚一本，就問你們值不值

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是原裝正版！印刷紙質都非常令人滿意。本來傢裏還有很多在京東上買的書還沒看完的，但是618活動太實惠瞭，買瞭十一本書纔花瞭一百來塊！太開心瞭！錢花在買書上是最有價值的投資！