The Wealth of Nations (Bantam Classics)国富论 英文原版 [平装] pdf epub mobi txt 电子书 下载 2025

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Adam Smith（亚当·斯密） 著

图书标签:

• Adam Smith
• Economics
• Political Economy
• Classics
• Wealth
• History
• Bantam Classics
• 18th Century
• Social Science
• Philosophy

出版社： Random House

ISBN：9780553585971

商品编码：19017192

包装：平装

出版时间：2003-04-04

用纸：胶版纸

页数：1264

正文语种：英文

商品尺寸：17.53x10.67x4.32cm;0.59kg

编辑推荐

If you're wondering which Wealth of Nations to purchase, get the Bantam paperback. This is Smith's complete and unabridged final version of the Wealth of Nations. It provides footnotes on Smith's wording, the historical context, and the differences between Smith's 5th edition and previous editions. In addition, the margin of the pages contain useful notes which summarize Smith's writing. For the price, this is clearly the superior choice.

Now, if you're wondering whether you should undertake such an endeavor, let me just say that Adam Smith was a professor of rhetoric. He explains everything so precisely, yet so comprehensible. Smith's writing is by no means difficult; I actually found it a surprisingly easy read given its antique nature. Once you get through the first chapter, you get quite used to Smith's writing style. If you put adequate time and energy into it, it's not hard at all.

内容简介

It is symbolic that Adam Smith's masterpiece of economic analysis, The Wealth of Nations, was first published in 1776, the same year as the "Declaration of Independence."

In his book, Smith fervently extolled the simple yet enlightened notion that individuals are fully capable of setting and regulating prices for their own goods and services. He argued passionately in favor of free trade, yet stood up for the little guy. The Wealth of Nations provided the first--and still the most eloquent--integrated description of the workings of a market economy.

The result of Smith's efforts is a witty, highly readable work of genius filled with prescient theories that form the basis of a thriving capitalist system. This unabridged edition offers the modern reader a fresh look at a timeless and seminal work that revolutionized the way governments and individuals view the creation and dispersion of wealth--and that continues to influence our economy right up to the present day.

作者简介

Adam Smith was born in a small village in Kirkcaldy, Scotland in 1723. He entered the University of Glasgow at age fourteen, and later attended Balliol College at Oxford. After lecturing for a period, he held several teaching positions at Glasgow University. His greatest achievement was writing The Wealth of Nations (1776), a five-book series that sought to expose the true causes of prosperity, and installed him as the father of contemporary economic thought. He died in Edinburgh on July 19, 1790.

精彩书评

"Adam Smith's enormous authority resides, in the end, in the same property that we discover in Marx: not in any ideology, but in an effort to see to the bottom of things."
--Robert L. Heilbroner

精彩书摘

CHAPTER I
OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR
The greatest improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is any where directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.
The effects of the division of labour, in the general business of society, will be more easily understood, by considering in what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps that it really is carried further in them than in others of more importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every different branch of the work can often be collected into the same workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator. In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of the work employs so great a number of workmen, that it is impossible to collect them all into the same workhouse. We can seldom see more, at one time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much greater number of parts, than in those of a more trifling nature, the division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less observed.
To take an example, therefore, from a very trifling manufacture; but one in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the trade of the pin-maker; a workman not educated to this business (which the division of labour has rendered a distinct trade), nor acquainted with the use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same division of labour has probably given occasion), could scarce, perhaps, with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not make twenty. But in the way in which this business is now carried on, not only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number of branches, of which the greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on, is a peculiar business, to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which, in some manufactories, are all performed by distinct hands, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have seen a small manufactory of this kind where ten men only were employed, and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling size. Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth part of forty-eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper division and combination of their different operations.
In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour are similar to what they are in this very trifling one; though, in many of them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour, however, so far as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place, in consequence of this advantage. This separation too is generally carried furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and improvement; what is the work of one man in a rude state of society, being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer, nothing but a manufacturer. The labour too which is necessary to produce any one complete manufacture, is almost always divided among a great number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of the linen and woollen manufactures, from the growers of the flax and the wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible to separate so entirely, the business of the grazier from that of the corn-farmer, as the trade of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The spinner is almost always a distinct person from the weaver; but the ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossible that one man should be constantly employed in any one of them. This impossibility of making so complete and entire a separation of all the different branches of labour employed in agriculture, is perhaps the reason why the improvement of the productive powers of labour in this art, does not always keep pace with their improvement in manufactures. The most opulent nations, indeed, generally excel all their neighbours in agriculture as well as in manufactures; but they are commonly more distinguished by their superiority in the latter than in the former. Their lands are in general better cultivated, and having more labour and expence bestowed upon them, produce more in proportion to the extent and natural fertility of the ground. But this superiority of produce is seldom much more than in proportion to the superiority of labour and expence. In agriculture, the labour of the rich country is not always much more productive than that of the poor; or, at least, it is never so much more productive, as it commonly is in manufactures. The corn of the rich country, therefore, will not always, in the same degree of goodness, come cheaper to market than that of the poor. The corn of Poland, in the same degree of goodness, is as cheap as that of France, notwithstanding the superior opulence and improvement of the latter country. The corn of France is, in the corn provinces, fully as good, and in most years nearly about the same price with the corn of England, though, in opulence and improvement, France is perhaps inferior to England. The corn-lands of England, however, are better cultivated than those of France, and the corn-lands of France are said to be much better cultivated than those of Poland. But though the poor country, notwithstanding the inferiority of its cultivation, can, in some measure, rival the rich in the cheapness and goodness of its corn, it can pretend to no such competition in its manufactures; at least if those manufactures suit the soil, climate, and situation of the country. The silks of France are better and cheaper than those of England, because the silk manufacture, at least under the high duties upon the importation of raw silk, does not so well suit the climate of England as that of France. But the hard-ware and the coarse woollens of England are beyond all comparison superior to those of France, and much cheaper too in the same degree of goodness. In Poland there are said to be scarce any manufactures of any kind, a few of those coarser household manufactures excepted, without which no country can well subsist.
This great increase of the quantity of work, which, in consequence of the division of labour, the same number of people are capable of performing, is owing to three different circumstances; first, to the increase of dexterity in every particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another; and lastly, to the invention of a great number of machines which facilitate and abridge labour, and enable one man to do the work of many.
First, the improvement of the dexterity of the workman necessarily increases the quantity of the work he can perform; and the division of labour, by reducing every man's business to some one simple operation, and by making this operation the sole employment of his life, necessarily increases very much the dexterity of the workman.
A common smith, who, though accustomed to handle the hammer, has never been used to make nails, if upon some particular occasion he is obliged to attempt it, will scarce, I am assured, be able to make above two or three hundred nails in a day, and those too very bad ones. A smith who has been accustomed to make nails, but whose sole or principal business has not been that of a nailer, can seldom with his utmost diligence make more than eight hundred or a thousand nails in a day. I have seen several boys under twenty years of age who had never exercised any other trade but that of making nails, and who, when they exerted themselves, could make, each of them, upwards of two thousand three hundred nails in a day. The making of a nail, however, is by no means one of the simplest operations. The same person blows the bellows, stirs or mends the fire as there is occasion, heats the iron, and forges every part of the nail: In forging the head too h...

好的，这是一份关于阿道夫·希特勒的《我的奋斗》（Mein Kampf）的详细图书简介，完全不涉及《国富论》的内容。 --- 图书简介：《我的奋斗》（Mein Kampf） 作者：阿道夫·希特勒 导言：历史的阴影与思想的开端 《我的奋斗》（Mein Kampf）并非仅仅是一本自传，它更是一份深具争议、影响深远的政治宣言与意识形态蓝图。这本书由阿道夫·希特勒在其政治生涯初期撰写，集中体现了他对世界历史的独特解读、对未来德国命运的设想，以及他所构建的纳粹主义核心思想的理论基础。理解《我的奋斗》，就如同直面20世纪欧洲乃至全球历史上最黑暗篇章之一的源头。这本书以一种极具煽动性和条理化的方式，阐述了希特勒对种族、国家、地缘政治的全部看法，并为即将到来的灾难性事件奠定了思想基础。 第一部分：回忆录——从维也纳到战壕 《我的奋斗》的第一部分主要是一部带有强烈主观色彩的回忆录，追溯了希特勒早年的生活经历，这些经历被他视为塑造其世界观的关键阶段。 童年与青年时期的熏陶 希特勒详细描述了他在奥地利林茨（Linz）的童年，特别是他对德意志民族主义的早期认同。他将自己描绘成一个在奥匈帝国多元文化背景下，坚定地拥护“大德意志”统一的青年。他着重渲染了其对艺术和建筑的热爱，以及与父亲关系的复杂性，并暗示这些早期的挫折和对社会结构的观察，激发了他对现有秩序的质疑。 然而，真正奠定其极端世界观的时期，是他在维也纳度过的困顿岁月。维也纳当时是欧洲文化与政治的熔炉，但对希特勒而言，却是充斥着他日后深恶痛绝的元素——犹太人、马克思主义者和哈布斯堡王朝的腐朽统治。他声称，正是在维也纳的流浪和贫困中，他“发现了”犹太人的“本质”，并将其视为一切社会问题的根源。这段经历被塑造成一个从懵懂青年向坚定斗士转变的“启蒙”过程。他详细描述了自己如何通过阅读极端民族主义和小报刊物，逐步确立了反犹太主义和泛日耳曼主义的信念。 战争的洗礼与政治觉醒 第一次世界大战是希特勒自传中的重要转折点。他将这段经历描绘成他人生中最光荣的时期，认为战争洗去了他个人的软弱，将他融入了“民族共同体”的洪流之中。他在巴伐利亚军团中的服役经历，被他用近乎宗教狂热的笔触加以美化。 战争的失败——尤其是德国签署《凡尔赛条约》——被希特勒视为一场“背后遭人捅刀子”的耻辱。他将这种失败归咎于国内的“叛徒”和犹太布尔什维克主义的颠覆活动。战后，他描述了自己如何从一个迷茫的士兵转变为一个充满使命感的政治鼓动家。他明确指出，战后的慕尼黑是他政治生涯的真正起点，在那里，他发现了自己演说的天赋，并开始接触那些与他思想相近的早期追随者。 第二部分：纳粹主义的纲领——国家、种族与千年帝国 《我的奋斗》的第二部分则完全转向了意识形态的阐述和未来政治蓝图的构建。这是纳粹主义理论的核心文本，其逻辑结构虽然粗糙，但目的性极强。 种族理论与反犹主义的基石 在希特勒的叙事中，世界历史被简化为一场种族间的生存斗争。他提出了所谓的“雅利安人”（日耳曼民族）作为“文化创造者”和最高种族的地位，并将其与“文化破坏者”——犹太人——对立起来。这种二元对立是其理论的出发点。他系统性地攻击犹太人，声称他们渗透到德国的经济、文化和政治生活中的每一个角落，目的是为了削弱和摧毁健康的日耳曼种族。这种深入骨髓的反犹主义，是贯穿全书的主线。 希特勒认为，种族纯洁性是国家生命力的基础。任何混合或妥协都将导致种族的衰退。因此，未来的德国必须是一个纯粹的、由日耳曼人主导的国家，并采取极端的措施来维护这种纯洁性。 德意志民族的国家观与领袖原则（Führerprinzip） 希特勒对国家的理解与传统的民主概念背道而驰。他认为国家只是实现民族生存和扩张的工具，其最高价值在于维护种族。他猛烈抨击了议会民主制、多党政治和大众民主，认为这些制度滋生了软弱、分裂和效率低下。 取而代之的，是他大力提倡的“领袖原则”（Führerprinzip）。这一原则要求绝对的服从和个人权威。他主张，国家必须由一位拥有绝对权威和远见卓识的领袖来领导，这位领袖能够超越日常的政治纷争，代表整个民族的意志。这种结构要求自下而上的绝对忠诚和自上而下的无条件命令。 地缘政治：生存空间（Lebensraum） 《我的奋斗》的后半部分，详细阐述了希特勒对外政策的核心目标——获取“生存空间”（Lebensraum）。他认为，德意志民族作为一个伟大的种族，需要足够的土地和资源来供养其不断增长的人口。他明确指出，这些空间必须通过向东方扩张来实现。 他将俄国（苏联）视为“犹太布尔什维克主义”的堡垒，是一个必须被征服和殖民的广阔领土。因此，未来的德国外交政策必须摒弃对西方的过度关注，转而与那些可以帮助德意志民族打破现有国际体系的国家（如意大利）建立同盟，最终目标是摧毁东方的势力，将德意志人定居于此，实现民族的永恒繁荣。他认为，只有通过这种彻底的领土扩张，才能确保德意志民族在未来历史中的主导地位。 结论：政治行动的路线图 《我的奋斗》不仅是希特勒的个人宣泄，更是一份具有极强实践指导意义的政治行动路线图。它清晰地勾勒出纳粹党在未来夺取政权、重塑德国社会、并最终推行其种族灭绝和侵略性扩张计划的步骤与核心理念。 这本书以一种近乎偏执的清晰度，将一个民族的苦难、对领袖的渴望，以及对特定群体的仇恨，编织成一个看似完整、具有吸引力的意识形态整体。它标志着一种全新的、极端民族主义政治哲学的诞生，其影响至今仍是历史研究中一个无法回避的沉重议题。阅读此书，旨在理解其意识形态的构建方式及其在历史洪流中所造成的毁灭性后果。

评分☆☆☆☆☆

我一直对经济学领域的经典著作情有独钟，而《国富论》无疑是其中最耀眼的一颗明星。这次入手的是Bantam Classics出版的英文原版平装本，感觉非常棒。拿到手的时候，就被它简洁而有力的封面设计吸引了，没有花哨的图案，只有经典的字体，仿佛在诉说着它跨越时空的价值。这本书的纸张质量也让我非常满意，触感温润，翻阅时有一种顺滑感，即使长时间阅读也不会感到疲劳。排版清晰，字体大小适中，让我在沉浸于斯密的思想时，能够更加专注于内容本身。作为一本重要的经济学文献，能够以如此高质量的平装本形式呈现，无疑为广大读者提供了极大的便利。我喜欢在家中安静的角落，泡一杯咖啡，伴随着轻柔的音乐，细细品读这本书，感受其中蕴含的深刻智慧，每一次翻阅，都仿佛与一位伟大的思想家进行着跨越时空的对话，总能获得新的启发和思考。

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我一直对经济学抱有浓厚的兴趣，而亚当·斯密的名字，可以说是经济学领域的泰山北斗，无人不知。这次终于下定决心入手了这本《国富论》的英文原版。拿到这本Bantam Classics的版本，第一感觉就是它的“原汁原味”。我深知，翻译过程中总是会或多或少地丢失原著的一些微妙之处，而阅读原版，就是为了最直接地触碰斯密大师的思想火花。这本书的排版我很喜欢，字体清晰，行距适中，即使内容深邃，阅读起来也不会感到吃力。虽然是平装，但它的印刷质量非常出色，没有出现模糊不清或者错别字的情况。我特别留意了它的版本信息，Bantam Classics的出品，本身就代表着一种对经典的尊重和传承。这本书的尺寸也刚刚好，可以方便地放在背包里，随时随地进行阅读和思考，这对于像我这样喜欢利用碎片时间学习的人来说，实在是太方便了。

评分☆☆☆☆☆

终于拥有了这本《国富论》的英文原版，感觉像是完成了一个小小的愿望。我平时阅读英文书籍比较多，对英文原版总有一种特别的偏爱，总觉得能更直接地感受到作者的思想和情感。拿到这本Bantam Classics的版本，第一印象就是它的实用性。平装本的设计让它没有精装书那样沉重，更适合日常携带和翻阅。纸张的触感很舒服，不是那种容易留下指纹的滑腻感，而是带有一点微微的涩，翻书的时候有一种很安心的感觉。封面设计也很简洁，没有过多的装饰，直接凸显了书名，那种沉静的力量，恰恰符合《国富论》本身的学术气质。我喜欢在午后阳光正好时，捧着这本书，坐在窗边，让思绪随着文字一起飞扬。它不单单是一本经济学著作，更是一扇通往历史和人类社会发展脉络的窗口，让我能够从更宏观的视角去理解这个世界。

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作为一个对经济学和历史都充满好奇的读者，亚当·斯密的《国富论》一直是我的必读清单上的重要一环。这次我选择了Bantam Classics推出的英文原版平装版本，拿到书的瞬间，那种踏实感就油然而生。它的纸张虽然不是那种奢华的厚重感，但却恰到好处地提供了舒适的阅读体验，字迹清晰，印刷工整，没有任何廉价的廉价感，反而有一种经久耐用的质感。封面设计虽然朴素，却有一种历久弥新的魅力，一眼就能认出是这部伟大的著作。平装本的设计非常适合我这样的读者，可以轻松携带，无论是通勤路上，还是在咖啡馆里，都能随时随地翻开它，沉浸在斯密大师的宏大论述之中。这本书不仅仅是关于经济的论述，更是对人类社会发展规律的深刻洞察，它的思想力量，通过这本精心制作的平装原版，得到了很好的传承和展现，让我觉得这是一次非常有价值的购买。

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这本《国富论》的平装英文原版，我真是爱不释手。拿到手的那一刻，触感就非常棒，纸张的质感恰到好处，不是那种容易泛黄的廉价纸，也不是过于光滑以至于不易书写的类型，摸起来有一种沉甸甸的厚实感，翻阅时沙沙的声响也带着一股知识的韵味。装订也很牢固，书脊上的烫金字体虽然低调，却透着一股经典的光泽，这让我对它未来的“旅程”充满了信心，相信它能陪伴我度过漫长的阅读时光，甚至可以传给下一代。虽然是平装本，但它的整体设计一点也不逊色于精装书，封面配色沉稳大气，没有花里胡哨的图案，而是直接点明了书名，这种返璞归真的设计反而更显其内在的价值。每次把它放在书架上，都能感受到一种宁静的力量，它不仅仅是一本书，更像是一位沉默但充满智慧的朋友，随时准备与我进行一场思想的对话。我常常会在傍晚时分，泡上一杯热茶，在柔和的灯光下翻开它，感受那跨越时空的思想洪流。

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正品，质量很好，价格实惠，物流也快，下次还会来

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纸张质量还行，书很小巧，方便携带，内容经典。

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好书好活动啊！多看书

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满满读

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京东自营的东西都还不错，质量有保证，物流飞快

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为了凑单买的，图便宜，唉。

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质量很好

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不错，换货快，质量应该是正版的啊！

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好！！！！！！！！！！！