1. Introduction: party-based authoritarianism in China
2. A theory of authoritarian regime parties
Part II. The Party in Contemporary China:
3. The CCP as co-enforcer of the one-child policy
4. The CCP's support in generating the state's material base
Part III. The Party's Origins:
5. War contingencies at the origin of the CCP's power base
6. The shifting geography of the CCP's power base (1949–2016)
Part IV. The Party in the Mao Era:
7. Can the CCP disobey? The great leap famine (1958–61)
8. The CCP and regime survival in times of crisis (1967–9)
9. Conclusion
Appendices
References.
· · · · · · (收起)
具体描述
In most non-democratic countries, today governing forty-four percent of the world population, the power of the regime rests upon a ruling party. Contrasting with conventional notions that authoritarian regime parties serve to contain elite conflict and manipulate electoral-legislative processes, this book presents the case of China and shows that rank and-file members of the Communist Party allow the state to penetrate local communities. Subnational comparative analysis demonstrates that in 'red areas' with high party saturation, the state is most effectively enforcing policy and collecting taxes. Because party membership patterns are extremely enduring, they must be explained by events prior to the Communist takeover in 1949. Frontlines during the anti-colonial Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) continue to shape China's political map even today. Newly available evidence from the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) shows how a strong local party basis sustained the regime in times of existential crisis.
Draws on a vast amount of new data
Uses a range of methods, including field observation, archival research, formal modeling, and statistical tests
Offers conclusions that can be used comparatively to study authoritarian regimes
Read more at http://www.cambridge.org/gb/academic/subjects/politics-international-relations/comparative-politics/where-party-rules-rank-and-file-chinas-communist-state#PmqK7rOHgCEr0FUL.99
用户评价
##Skim了一下introduction，和大牛本人聊了聊，算是大致读过了吧。大牛老师这本书的志趣和方法都挺smart的，试图建立一条从抗战时期到当代地方治理差异性之间的因果链，以party membership为中介变量。这个思路很有趣，不过正如他自己也承认的，想要在微观层面找到path dependency到证据本身已经很难，想rule out其他的potential mechanisms给自己的这个argument做出causal reference更是难上加难。总的来说，这本书是一个有趣、精巧也尽力了的研究，读起来还是挺enjoyable的，作为博论也很不错了。
评分##读近年的政治学著作，越来越坚信政治学药丸／已丸。对比几十年前的书，简直是天渊之别。不管数据多么惊人，永远深陷一个用相关解释因果，用单一遮盖多元的泥潭。
评分##读的体验太差了，理论框架、地理位置和时间变来变去，非常碎片化，几乎什么都要涵盖但什么都没讲清楚
评分##读近年的政治学著作，越来越坚信政治学药丸／已丸。对比几十年前的书，简直是天渊之别。不管数据多么惊人，永远深陷一个用相关解释因果，用单一遮盖多元的泥潭。
评分##读的体验太差了，理论框架、地理位置和时间变来变去，非常碎片化，几乎什么都要涵盖但什么都没讲清楚
评分##读的体验太差了，理论框架、地理位置和时间变来变去，非常碎片化，几乎什么都要涵盖但什么都没讲清楚
评分【翻过】“革命老区”传统对49后政治经济之影响。作者发现，抗日时期党渗透最深的几个根据地，相比其他地方，在大跃进/文革时期更能抵制过激政策，而在78后对计划生育与财税改革中却又执行最力。作者认为，差异不在党的力量，而在党的性质。这些地方党组织的力量一直很强，只不过性质上从party of revolutionaries变成了party in power，从self-corrective device变成了policy implementer。似乎是一个颇有趣的脑洞，定量方法部分不懂，不好评价其结论...
评分##大牛老师的框架搭得挺好，研究设计也有新意，看得出训练不错。可惜各章节的主题太过独立了，和导论框架缺乏对话。拿出来单发可能好些。
评分##野心很大的话痨
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