Liberty is hardly the "natural" order of things. In most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Liberty emerges only when a delicate and precarious balance is struck between state and society.
There is a happy Western myth that political liberty is a durable construct, a steady state, arrived at by a process of "enlightenment." This static view is a fantasy, the authors argue; rather, the space to attain and maintain liberty stays open only via a fundamental and incessant struggle between state and society. The power of state institutions and the elites that control them has never gone uncontested in a free society. In fact, the capacity to contest them is the definition of liberty. State institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of the society change, and thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a delicate balance between state and society, between economic, political and social elites and citizens, between institutions and norms. One side of the balance gets too strong, and as it has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. Liberty depends on the vigilant mobilization of society. But it also needs state institutions to continuously reinvent themselves in order to meet new economic and social challenges that can easily close the space liberty needs to survive.
Today we are in the midst of a time of wrenching destabilization. We need liberty more than ever, and yet the corridor to liberty is getting narrower and more treacherous. The danger on the horizon is not "just" the loss of our political freedom, however grim that is in itself; it is also to the prosperity and safety that critically depend on liberty. The opposite of the corridor of liberty is the road to ruin.
##fine theory but bad impressionalistic empirics 關於中國的innovation, social credit system, ... 都先帶結論 簡單粗暴 其他章節的empirics估計也是同樣的找寫手或者RA填充的 令人失望
評分##毛咕嚕和羅賓遜新書,書肯定是好書,觀點不新,但講述的方式很有趣。因為某些你懂的原因,這本書估計很難引進過來????
評分##你們怎麼說都對……
評分##談古論今,縱橫內外,經濟學傢不閤格的曆史敘述。削足適履,看似結構宏大,實則單薄無物。
評分##沒有中譯,藉標
評分##fine theory but bad impressionalistic empirics 關於中國的innovation, social credit system, ... 都先帶結論 簡單粗暴 其他章節的empirics估計也是同樣的找寫手或者RA填充的 令人失望
評分##cliché and naive
評分##談古論今,縱橫內外,經濟學傢不閤格的曆史敘述。削足適履,看似結構宏大,實則單薄無物。
評分##西北大學(Northwestern University)曆史學傢喬爾·莫凱爾(Joel Mokyr)稱這本書是“一本權威著作,蘊含著巨大的洞見和學識”,“得齣瞭每個有思想的人都應該意識到的一個令人不寒而栗的結論:自由既脆弱又稀有,它不安地夾在暴政和無政府狀態之間。”-- MITnews
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